OutSyed The Box

OutSyed The Box

The Politics Of Confusion In PAS

Posted: 25 Nov 2012 01:15 AM PST

This is a paraphrasing and a parody of the article "The politics of accommodation in PAS" written by Bridget Welsh which appeared in Malaysiakini and elsewhere. You can read the original article by clicking on the link above. Here goes. 

Islamist parties throughout the world are grappling with confusion and chaos. PAS is no exception.

The discussions at the party's muktamar held in Kota Bharu last weekend highlight that PAS is adopting new camouglage techniques to distance itself even more from global and national realities, and to cocoon themselves from embracing reform.

Perhaps more than any party in Malaysia, PAS is becoming a true chameleon. 

Despite news reports focusing on the comments of many individuals, PAS is reorienting its outward appearances to remain relevant in a frayed and tattered Opposition. 

In fact, judging by its actions, the meetings and the words reported, the muktamar highlights that PAS is continuing to embrace more regressive positions, especially among its leadership.

Its challenges, however, have more to do with winning over its more parochial and conservative membership that is reluctant to change and struggling to adapt and understand a more complex and demanding political environment.

One message that sounded hollow at the muktamar was PAS' commitment to the leadership of Pakatan Rakyat. The ulama component of the party – stated categorically that PAS should take over the Prime Ministership if the Pakatan wins Putrajaya. There is a chorus which wants president Hadi Nelayan  to be Prime Minister. 

Those linked to the alternative position of 'unity' with Umno were conspicuously absent. The unity group has been marginalised in PAS, and even faced open criticism for taking positions in public that conflict with the consensus of the leadership.

The surprising person leading the charge in this criticism was no other than one of the most conservative ulama, Jin Botol.  Definitively, PAS grassroots is taking a stand : we shall hold the office of  Prime Minister.  This message was apparent in other more direct ways. The PAS is presenting its own alternative vision of governance – as has happened in the past with the welfare state concept, for example. 

This sense of going it alone was repeatedly echoed in the exclusion of non-Malays and women - a very old tradition in the party.

Predictably, discussion on the decisive, dividing issue of hudud was muted as its chameleon leaders aimed to pull the wool over the eyes of the blind to show that they would seek common ground. Repeatedly, the call for political hoodwinking, takiyyah siyasi, was made. 

Predictably the PAS at this muktamar was wedded to the past, and out of reach with the future. The image of PAS as a group of mullah defending narrow conceptualisations of tradition and religion, banning social activities and limiting freedoms is still obvious. Just days after the muktamar the media reported non-Muslim hair dressing salons in Kota Bharu, where the PAS muktamar was held, being fined under PAS' narrow and parochial interpretation of medieval falsehoods.  The identity of PAS as a confused political party is not changing.

Many in the old guard and their protégées in the Youth wing are uncomfortable with any modern or open approaches or a greater tolerance of modernisation. They want to remain stuck in their rut.

The repeated attacks on Umno and Najib Abdul Razak's tenure further illustrated their lack of any workable ideas or programs to move the nation forward. Closing the meeting on the last day with a prayer calling for God's wrath on Umno was a monumental gaffe that gave a powerful signal about the party's increasing desperation about its own irrelevance.

The affirmation of a Pakatan commitment has been clearly destroyed by questions arising from  the muktamar, namely the issue of whether Hadi Awang wants to be premier and whether he supports Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim in that position.

Attention continues to centre on possible points of division, which will drive a wedge among parties that have already worked at cross purposes for four years.

Hadi Awang coyly repeated that he does not want the premiership. Many people, however, refuse to accept his response.

Globally, Islamist parties face trust deficits. PAS faces this on multiple fronts – from whether the party is truly loyal to the opposition to their goals in office. PAS is also hounded by its past. In pursuit of power it once even joined Umno in the 1970s - their sworn enemy. Then they abandoned UMNO. Memories of PAS' betrayals  thus run deep, on all sides.  The mullahs are slick and slimy.

Even more suspicion exists among liberals and/or non-Muslims who believe that PAS is the driver of religious intolerance, curbs on religious freedom, placing limits on women's rights and that they are pretending to be something which they can never be. The PAS has never done anything to refute any of these widely held beliefs.  

Years of media socialisation and PAS's own record in places like Terengganu, Kelantan,  Kedah and parts of Selangor underscore this anxiety.  They have banned mixed audiences in cinemas, banned billboards with pictures of normally dressed women and men and have imposed fines on hair dressing salons in Kelantan where female hairdressers tended to male clients.  And lately they have started playing up the "hudud" and the "ulama leadership" which have again opened the floodgates of additional trauma. This is the real PAS. They are many centuries behind everyone else.

The fact is that trust once broken is very hard to rebuild. In this muktamar, PAS' challenge of building trust failed miserably as focus continued to be on the triggers of division rather than on cohesion. A question that arises from this muktamar is whether PAS can overcome this trust deficit? It appears that the doubts are embedded and the views cannot change. 

What is also emerging is that PAS's current young leadership is also facing a trust deficit from the old guard in the party. The proponents of internal distrust come from the protégées of the old guard mullahs in the Youth wing.

Many of the PAS' delegates at the muktamar were uncertain about the paths adopted by the current leaders. This was evident in the attack on party organ Harakah for its more open coverage of news. They want the party organ to toe the party line. Freedom of the press is only good as a campaign issue. It is not meant for their own consumption. It was also evident in personal attacks on PAS leaders who espouse tolerance. Tolerance is not something that goes well with the mullahs. 

The source of this distrust is multiple – many in the old guard are staunchly conservative and resist reform. PAS is the only party with old fashioned outlooks, and disproportionally the party has many of them. The more cutting element of distrust comes from the fact that some of the younger members have openly called for an end to the older mullah leadership of the party.

Understandably the mullahs feel under attack and this reinforces their defensiveness and, in some cases, reactionary responses. Predictably the mullahs are uncomfortable with tolerance and accommodation as they feel this leads to their marginalisation and displacement. They are uneasy with the dissolution of their influence and this feeds into the distrust from within. This is a party headed for disaster.

Bringing a party toward reform is never easy, especially when old mindsets persist. It is compounded when there are interests involved. It was thus clear that the PAS leadership is facing its biggest test in the next election battle. 

It is not enough for the progressives to point to coalitions between Islamists and other groups in countries like Tunisia and Turkey, for the PAS progressive leadership has to deliver at home. A failure to win seats will allow the traditional, conservative old guard to return to the leadership.

This election is as much about PAS as it is about the future of the jihadists in Malaysia. Voters will decide whether PAS is more tolerant, more democratic and inclusive, or whether it returns to the dark ages and pushes Malaysia away from a modern future.

Make no bones about it, the dark forces in PAS are waiting for the chance to come back to power. 

They have an interest in the failure of the PAS progressives. The old guards and their protégées want a return of stronger conservative mullah leadership, and are uncomfortable with the spiritual role that the mullahs currently hold. They know that if PAS does well electorally, it will minimise the possibility of mullahs taking on more positions in the helm of the party. Hence a poorer performance for PAS at the polls will favour the mullahs. This is a terribly confused mullah party.

They also fear further displacement with greater electoral gains and winning government. The mullahs lack the skills to take on technocratic governing positions, and those with old guard mindsets are often too closed in outlook to win over the support needed for electoral victory. Insecurity among mullahs inside the party fuels the internal distrust.

PAS delegates are also frustrated that they are on the firing line electorally. Many feel that PAS is competing in the most difficult seats, in Felda areas for example, and has uphill battles to win seats.

In the rural constituencies PAS faces a serious struggle to win over voters.

Many delegates felt that the obstacles they face electorally in winning Malay votes was not appreciated within Pakatan and some even worried that the coming general election could lead to their marginalisation in the coalition.

The new worry is that the party will not continue to have a place and prominent position. Many delegates expressed the desire to be better treated in Pakatan, as an asset and partner.

Disproportionally PAS as a party does have serious obstacles in making electoral gains. The party is locked in a battle with Umno for Malay votes, and grappling with effective approaches to woo and reach non-Malay voters. What is telling is that advocating for hudud is not effective. However just like a leopard cannot change its spots, neither can a mullah switch his turban.

PAS pretends to centre on the issue of corruption. However the party cannot rid itself of the negative publicity surrounding the family of Nik Aziz, particularly his son in law. The party has also carefully avoided any mention of the Islamic dinar fiasco in Kelantan, just like they completely covered up the scandal over the Memali Fund in Kedah. Neither has the party discussed the losses of millions in its cooperative society. The call to declare assets within the party has largely fallen on deaf ears.  And there is no advocacy to declare assets to the public. This is a sham.

To rid the party of the mullah image, the younger members have emphasised greater representativeness in its slate of candidates to bring in more technocrats, former civil servants, entrepreneurs and security personal. 

When speaking to the delegates in his closing speech, Hadi Awang emphasised a premiership based on electoral performance, consensus and representativeness. In short, the party with the most number of seats shall nominate the Prime Minister. He was referring to himself again.

This muktamar could not be fully controlled. Some of the points from the floor bordered on the bizarre.

The leaders within the party faced criticism openly, a sign of more confusion in the party. 

To judge this party based on its party congress is not too far off. At best, the muktamar highlighted differences within PAS over many issues, from hudud and ulama leadership to electoral strategies. There is much confusion within the mullahs. - End


So do you think this is a parody?

Another Very Poor Turnout At Anwar Ibrahim Ceramah

Posted: 24 Nov 2012 09:53 PM PST

This is a picture from Shah Alam. If you are in Facebook join up with Isu Politik Semasa (IPS) and they have plenty of pictures like these. 

This was a PKR  ceramah where the Crown Prince of Sungei Buloh was the keynote speaker. The stage is in front and they say that the Rear Admiral was speaking onstage when this picture was taken. Look at the empty chairs. Look at the next picture:


This is a closer shot.  You can see that there are not many chairs in the first place. There are many empty spaces between the audience and the stage. Just empty space. There are less than 30 people in the audience in this picture.  This is now becoming a standard feature of an Anwar Ibrahim ceramah. 30 people, 50 people, 100 people (if it is a pasar malam) turn up to listen to him speak.  See for yourself. A picture is worth a thousand people.

What We Are Dealing With

Posted: 24 Nov 2012 06:23 AM PST

Green KL

Posted: 24 Nov 2012 05:58 AM PST

These are some views of KL from the air. These are the greener parts. I hope we can make it greener.

Surat Terbuka Kepada YAB Perdana Menteri - Tajuk Pilihan Kedua

Posted: 24 Nov 2012 04:49 AM PST

This short article is written by Riaz Hassan, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore.  (The article first appeared in the newsletter of the International Sociological Association Vol, 3, no, 1.) I have truncated the article. If you are interested, you can read the full article here.  

I have titled this Blog post "Surat Terbuka Kepada YAB Perdana Menteri - Pilihan Tajuk Kedua". I hope the Prime Minister reads this post.  The original title for this Blog, my Pilihan Pertama, is at the bottom of this page. First here is the truncated article :
  • Why does the Muslim world suffer from deficits of freedom, development and knowledge?
  • Today, any observer would have little difficulty assembling volumes of data from the United Nations and World Bank Development Reports to demonstrate the acute development and freedom deficits in the Muslim world. 
  • The culprits identified by social scientists include Islamic theology and culture, Arab-specific culture and institutions, the subservient status of women.
  • Perhaps the most contested debates on the causes of economic backwardness and democratic deficit in the Muslim world center on whether Islam is the main cause of these twin deficits. 
  • Turkish-American economist Timur Kuran (2011) marshals impressive empirical evidence to show that what slowed the economic development in the Middle East (were) laws covering business partnerships and inheritance practices. 
  • Islamic partnership, could be ended by one party at will and even successful ventures were terminated on the death of a partner. As a result most businesses remained small and short-lived. 
  • Most durable and successful business partnerships in the Muslim world were operated by local non-Muslims. 
  • Inheritance customs hindered business consolidation because, when a Muslim merchant died, his estate was split among surviving family members which prevented capital accumulation and stymied long-lasting capital-intensive companies. 
  • not a single university from 49 Muslim majority countries with a population of 1.2 billion or 17 per cent of world's population found a place in the top 200 universities in the world. 
  • World Bank's "education index" of the poorest performers in 2002, 15 are OIC countries
  • In many Muslim societies there is another, growing obstacle. They are coming under increasing pressure from religious fundamentalist movements to impose epistemologies compatible with their versions of Islamic doctrines that are generally hostile to critical rational thought. This is stifling the development of conditions conducive to the development and growth of vibrant universities. 
  • A robust civil society is a prerequisite for the development of countries based not on the tyranny of strongly held convictions and beliefs but on a social order based on doubt and compromise. Science and technology prosper only under conditions that privilege the rule of reason and nature.
  • In the knowledge economy of the third industrial revolution, the creation of wealth will rely primarily on "brain industries." The OIC countries produce hardly any patents and are among the lowest exporters of high-tech products. These scientific, technological and intellectual conditions are going to have far-reaching socioeconomic repercussions. The intellectual stagnation of Muslim countries threatens to imprison a significant proportion of humanity in permanent servitude. 
My comments : When I was in university in the US 30 years ago, I knew numerous Muslim students from all over the world. These were mostly engineering and science students. At least once a year, on the 27th night of the fasting month,  I would be able to meet many of these Muslim students at the mosque. They would come to attend the prayers on the "auspicious" 27th night of the fasting month. Why? Because they believed that if they prayed hard enough and sincerely enough on the 27th nite of the fasting month, their fate (grades) for the coming year could be altered for the better.  

I recall saying to myself that the other American students on campus did not have the luxury of praying on the malam dua puluh tujuh to get their grades improved in the coming year. The Americans did it the old fashioned way - they hit their books and studied hard.  And the Japanese, Germans, Koreans and Chinese all had no choice in the matter either. They could not go to the mosque and pray to have their grades improved. They just studied harder.

But this is not the real problem with the Muslims. The real problem with the Muslims is that if you go home and ask your Muslim father, mother, grandpa, grandma, uncle, aunt, sister, brother, friend, ustaz etc how can praying on the nite of the malam dua puluh tujuh improve your grades, they will possibly scold you for asking such questions.  They will warn you against asking such questions. They will shut you up. This is the problem with the Muslims.

This is what the last three paragraphs of the article above are saying. And I agree. The Muslims are not free to think. They cannot question. All over the Islamic world those who raise questions about religion are thrown in jail. All over the Islamic world those who speak freely about religion are thrown in jail.

Questioning 'long held' grandfather stories is frowned upon. You cannot even think about questioning these beliefs. 

Folks, would you all like some proof for this? OK here is the proof. 
  1. How many of you believe in qiyamul ail (standing up and praying at two or three a.m. in the morning?)  
  2. How many of you believe that doing a qiyamul ail can change your fate - for example improve your kids exam grades?  
I am not questioning whether it is true or false, whether it is wasting time or time well spent, whether it is good or bad. I am merely asking  how many of you will agree to have an open and free discussion to find out if the qiyamul ail is 

i. real or a falsehood
ii. it works or it is a waste of time
iii. is part of Islam or not

We are not discussing anything yet. 
We are just pondering the idea of debating it. 
We are just thinking about having a discussion about the subject. 
We are just wondering out loud if we should question some of our beliefs. 

That is all.  Will you agree or disagree to have an open and free discussion?

The evidence (more proof) indicates otherwise. The former mufti of Perlis was charged in the religious court for preaching without a 'tauliyah'.  The guy was a former Mufti of Perlis. This is mind control. To preach you need a license from the 'orthodox crowd'. If you dont sing the same tunes as them, you will not get a tauliah. You will get thrown in jail.

The jabatan agama fellows raided a bookshop and charged a Muslim staff (who just happened to be on duty on that day) in the religious court because the bookshop was selling a book which would be banned AFTER they raided that book shop.

A book written by the Sisters in Islam was banned by the religious crowd for some vague reasons.  Kassim Ahmad's book was banned to prevent Muslims from starting to use their brains too much. So there is a constant mind control going on. The Muslims just cannot think. 

Religious discussion in Malaysia (at all levels - including at the so called highest intellectual levels) has to become moronic. Why do I say this? 

Because all the religious intellectuals have to toe the line of the Ahlul Sunnah Wal Jamaah sect. You step out of line and you can get thrown into jail. You cannot have an academic discourse  when the penalty for saying the wrong thing is getting thrown in prison. 

If there are flaws or faults in the belief system they will never get rectified. Why? Because you are not allowed to question the faith. You can get thrown in jail.  This is backward thinking of the highest degree. This is worse than the Stone Age. There is no evidence that there was any such thing during the life of the Prophet. 

This is a major weakness of the Muslims. And when you support this type of restrictions on freedom of thought in religion, it will automatically suppress your entire criical thinking facilities. 

You will become a person who may believe in magical horses flying through the air. You will become a person who is willing to throw someone else in jail if they do not believe in your magical horses flying through the air.  Worse you may become a person who will scold or punish your seven year old son, daughter, child or student if they question how can horses have wings and fly through the air. 

You stifle the thinking process. You will yell at your child "Dont question this. You must just accept it."  

Do you think your children will grow up to be Bill Gates? Or Steve Jobs? Or Jamshedji Tata? I dont think so. 

What should we do in Malaysia? 

We must revoke or annul all those religious enactments (at Federal and State level) which can fine and jail Muslims for :

i.   expressing any views about Islam
ii.  for preaching without a surat tauliah (In other words abolish the surat tauliah)
iii. professing a belief other than the orthodox Ahlul Sunnah Wal Jamaah

Revoke all of them completely. 

And the people who are given the power and the authority to keep the rest of the Muslims down in the dumps are the same lowly educated, madrassah educated, sekolah pondok educated, unhygienic, kahwin banyak bini type goons who do not know anything about anything. 

Can you imagine that - whether you are a successful businessman, an engineer, doctor, lawyer, a university graduate from the UK, USA, USM, UKM or UM you are still under the feet of these unhygienic and poorly educated people.  Can you see why the Muslims are doomed?

Before I forget, here is my Pilihan Pertama, the original title I had in mind for this Blog post. It is 'Kenapa Kita Bodoh'. 
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